Women’s Rights Activists, Nahid Keshavarz and Mahboubeh Hossein Zadeh, who remain in prison since April 2, 2007 for collecting signatures in support of the "One Million Signatures Campaign" demanding changes to discriminatory laws against women have, recorded their experiences among female inmates in the following two articles:

What will they do about the Growing Awarness among female Prisoners and their Guards?

It is Tuesday, April 10, 2007, 3:30 in the afternoon. It has been a good day for both Mahboubeh and I. It’s visitation day. Visitation day is the sweetest of days for prisoners. From the moment they announce your name till the moment you finally see your loved ones, your entire being is filled with anticipation. You stretch the moments in their presence, and in your mind, you dress yourself in your most beautiful clothes—one becoming of the occasion, albeit that you are forced to wear a veil and prison issued slippers. Perhaps for those who have never experienced prison, there is no difference between the navy colored veil lent to you by your fellow inmates with love, and the prison issued veil, marked with the logo of the Revolutionary Courts, the logo that is supposed to represent justice. But for us, there is a difference between these two, even if their colors are the same. The veil you borrow from your fellow inmates, the veil that is lent to you with love, gives you a better feeling and you view yourselves as being among your sisters and mothers rather than in the position and in the identity assigned to you by your captors.

As I wait to be escorted to the visitation area, I start up a conversation with one of the female prison guards. I explain to her that I am fighting to attain equal rights for women. I tell her about the "One Million Signatures Campaign" which aims to change discriminatory laws against women. I explain that my experience in prison has reaffirmed my commitment to justice and the path that I have chosen. In jest, the guard says "let the men take second wives, why does it concern you, anyway?" I speak of my responsibilities as a citizen. I know that the guard herself is opposed to polygamy, to men’s uncontested right to divorce, and girls’ marriage at a young age, still she does not believe that I am in prison because I am fighting to change these same laws. "Certainly you must have insulted someone, that is why you are here," she says. I explain that my friends and I have employed the most civil of strategies in asking for changes to discriminatory laws against women. I explain that I believe in civic action, in creating change, and as such we are only collecting signatures in support of our demands. "This is why I have chosen to work within the Campaign. Because through this effort we can work to educate the public about these demands," I explain.

I realize, more than ever before, that judges have the power to keep us in prison endless periods of time. They have the power to claim that our demands as contradictory to the foundations of the Islamic Republic, proclaim that polygamy is a main tenant of Islam and the State, and to accuse us of crimes, to equate our efforts within the "One Million Signatures Campaign" to "actions against national security, through the spread of propaganda against the Islamic Republic of Iran." But, I wonder, how will these judges, who work so hard at upholding these patriarchal traditions and laws, counter the growing awareness among female prisoners? What do judges do with the women who cite these very restrictive laws as justification for their unlawful actions? Women like Behjat, who is accused of murdering her husband. A woman who in her own defense explained to the prosecutor that "when your laws work unjustly against me and other women, and place us in an extreme disadvantage, when I spend four fruitless years in pursuit of a divorce, all the while forced to take refuge in the homes of relatives and strangers, uprooting my children time and again, am I not forced to take matters into my own hands and to ensure justice on my own?"

Perhaps our court system can exhaust women’s rights activists through the infliction of threats and fear. Perhaps they can tire us through continuous summons to court, by inflicting in our hearts uncertainty, by forcing us into prison, but truly what will the court system do about the increasing awareness among its own prison guards? The social workers and guards at Evin prison know better than anyone, about the immense tragedy that results from unjust laws, oppressive cultural traditions and the male interpretations of religion. These are the realities that make up the lives of women, condemning them to "dead ends," spent in prison. In these few days we have heard a lot of stories—real stories. We have listened to the stories of these women, who, because of discriminatory laws and oppressive cultural realities, have reached an eternal dead end.

We have seen women who are in prison on charges of murder, but who prior to taking matters in their own hands had tirelessly struggled to resolve their problems and to escape the cycle of violence to which they were condemned. Prior to resorting to the murder of their husbands, most of these women had never committed even the smallest of crimes. They were kind mothers and wives, who for years quietly endured the violent nature of their relationships, their husband’s unfaithfulness or his years of addiction. Forced to try all avenues to flee their cruel fait and after having met repeatedly with failures in their efforts to improve their situation, these women chose a path of escape, that in essence was never a truly a choice at all.

I reach the visitation area. One of the male prison guards reads names off a list. Some of the prisoners go to a public visitation area and some are assigned cabins for their visitation. My share it seems is a cabin, with a window that separates me from my family. Nader and Sadigheh are waiting for me. My sister, who is beautiful and kind, is herself a victim of the discrimination that is enforced and perpetuated by these very laws. She fully understands me and because of her extreme kindness, she does not wish a better life for herself alone. My dear Nader, he is wearing his best clothes. My heart aches, when I see that he is wearing clothes that are my favorite. I pick up the phone in the cabin. Their voice gives me hope. They tell me about the solidarity of my friends and my colleagues who continue to push for the aims of the Campaign. I return to my prison cell, with even greater determination. On my way back, I see Mahboubeh. She too is going to visit with her family.

http://weforchange.net/english/spip.php?article60

Ten Women of Shiraz

 

On 18th June 1983 ten women (pictured above), one of whom was only 17 years old, were executed in Iran for teaching Baha'i children more about their Faith. They were among more than 200 individuals who were killed in Iran for being Baha'is but their story has stood out throught the years as they were all women and many of them are very young.

Shirin Dalvand, pictured bottom left, was 25 years old when she was executed, Shirin was Ladan's aunt and, while Baha'is beleive it an honour to die for your beliefs, Ladan has always been very upset about the loss of her aunt. Ladan was only seven at the time of Shirin Dalvand's execution, it is hard enough as an adult to attempt to comprehend that a government should seek to kill people on basis of their religion.

Sadly there are renewed fears over the safety of the Baha'is currently living in Iran, following an instruction from Ayatollah Khamenei that all Baha'is living in Iran should all be identified and their activities monitored.

In Newcastle we decided, at the last minute, to hold a devotional meeting to commemorate the lives of those martyred in Iran, including Shirin, and to pray for the safety of those Baha'is living there now. In spite of the very short notice there was good attendance, and the basic programme of a few prayers and a little music and video was very moving.

There are several resources on the Internet relating to the executions on 18th June 1983, executions which followed on from several other Baha'is being executed in Shiraz for being Baha'is, some of whom were related to these ten woman. Among the resources available is a music video by Canadian pop musician Doug Cameron called "Mona and the Children", there is also a web page about the event here, and you can find the latest on thPersection of the Baha'i commun ity in Iran from here

www.warble.com/blog/bahai/labels/Bahai.html

 

The “One Million Signatures Campaign Demanding an End to Discriminatory Laws against Women” was launched five months ago. Our demands in this effort are clear: an end to discriminatory laws against women. The identities of activists involved in the Campaign are even clearer. They include all citizens who have taken on the responsibility of collecting signatures demanding changes to discriminatory laws and all those who distribute educational pamphlets, describing and explaining current laws. The identities of our supporters are also clear. Our supporters are comprised of women and men committed to justice—all of whom have proven this commitment in their steadfast pursuit of cultural and legal advancement and progress. The strategy of the Campaign too is clear. The campaign utilizes a peaceful and civil approach of face-to-face education, where dialogue can take place with respect to current laws (especially family law) with citizens who are provided an opportunity to express their viewpoints and in cases of agreement sign a petition demanding changes to the law.

For over a century, our mothers and grandmothers have expressed demands along the same lines. In fact, for the past one hundred years, they have written about these very issues and analyzed and explained the impact of discriminatory laws on the lives of both men and women. Divorce rights, child custody rights, increase in the legal age of girls, abolishment of laws that support honor killings, fair employment rights, etc., these are the specific issues that the majority of activists involved in the Campaign are working to redress.

The information about the Campaign and its activities and articles by Campaign members, are shared on a website, aptly called, “Change for Equality.” This site belongs to all those who have supported this effort and those who write for the site and in so doing speak of their personal experiences, so that their efforts and ideas can be recorded as part of the broader history of the women’s movement. In fact, this site provides a medium for the exchange of ideas and reflects the words of all those who speak of the Campaign and about women’s rights, including Ayatollah Bojnourdi, Member of Parliament, Fatemeh Alia, Dr. Khosrow Khavar, Shahla Shafigh, Dr. Nayereh Tohidi, and Mr. Keyvan Samimi, among others.

The Campaign is aiming to collect one million signatures over the course of 2 years, with the intent of presenting these signatures to the parliament. The priorities identified by those who sign the petition will in turn define the priorities of the Campaign with respect to changes proposed to the law. Legal changes will be proposed through draft legislation prepared by scholars like Shirin Ebadi and presented to the parliament for consideration.

The Siege of Containment Grows Tighter Each Day

So, what part of our activities within the campaign are unjustified and worthy of punishment? I raise this question because since the inception of the Campaign, its members have suffered the wrath of the security forces. We have become powerless, asked for mercy and are now wondering exactly what crime we have committed deserving of such retribution—a retribution which has been inflicted upon us quietly and gradually.

In our interrogations you reiterate: “we have no problems with your demands!” We ask ourselves “which part of our activities then are indeed problematic?” When we hold peaceful protests, we are greeted with violence and are told that with public protests we are crossing the “red line” of the regime. In the past few years, we have tried all possible civic and peaceful strategies for giving voice to these very demands which you claim not to be problematic. Once again, we have chosen the most peaceful of strategies, so that god forbid, we do not cause any problems for anyone—meaning face-to-face dialogue and the collection of signatures. Truly, we wonder, is there a more civic and peaceful strategy than that adopted by the Campaign?

But, unfortunately, we have come to realize that the “red line” of the regime and its limits, are indeed endless. You ask “why do you first want to collect signatures?” “If your intent is to take these signatures to the parliament, why don’t you just go to the parliament in the first place?” Perhaps reformist women who want to engage in direct discussions with members of parliament are advised as such: “why talk to MPs, you should seek Fatwas in support of your demands from religious leaders?” And again, those women who seek Fatwas from religious leaders, are urged to “first focus on enlightening women”. In short, it seems that all the various women’s groups with their different perspectives and strategies are somehow deluded. So, perhaps this is the reason why you don’t have a problem with our demands, rather the real problem is with our individual strategies in the women’s movement.

We believed that since we are being prevented from conducting peaceful protests, perhaps the collection of one million signatures in support of our demands, with the intent of submitting them to the parliament, would go to prove that we are not looking for a fight rather we are looking to achieve our very just demands. Despite all this, since the inception of the Campaign five months ago, members of the campaign have had the misfortune of experiencing a crisis of some sort on a bi-weekly basis. As a result, we have been forced into a state of fear and anxiety, forced to comfort one another, forced to address the multiple crises at hand, and forced to continually reassure one another that we are indeed not engaged in any sort of illegal activity—so why is it that we live in such fear? Are we asking for anything more than justice and our basic human rights? We remain astonished and can’t understand what all the arrests, threats and the harassment (sometimes carried out overtly and sometimes carried out covertly and quietly) are for?

Misfortune and Disaster Befall us Quietly

Examining the problems and misfortunes experienced by members of the Campaign over the past five months, we quickly realize that in fact you have no problems with our demands, rather the problems stem from the presence of each and every individual involved in the Campaign:

· The seminar launching the Campaign was cancelled by security forces. We were told that “the problem was not with the seminar itself, rather there was a problem with the fact that members, in promoting and announcing the seminar, had an interview with a foreign broadcast (Radio Farda).” So, it was that our seminar was banned and our Campaign targeted from the very start. Quickly, we too realized that no one has a problem our demands or the conference hall in which our seminar was being held, rather the problem is with the fact that we chose to inform the public about our seminar. We knew for certain that if we were to hold our seminar in an empty hall, delivering speeches to ourselves and for ourselves, there would be no problem.

· · Zeynab Payghambarzadeh, a young and active member of the Campaign was arrested on the metro, while collecting signatures and distributing pamphlets about the Campaign. She remained in prison for five days. And we realized that there was no problem with Zeynab or her demands, rather the problem was with those who “deceived” Zeynab in the first place, forcing her to join the Campaign.

· · Nasim Sarabandi and Fatemeh Dehdashti, two young members of the Campaign were also arrested on the Metro. In their possession were a few statements in support of the Campaign and a number of educational brochures. So, they were arrested and transferred to prison. Authorities told these young women that they had “no problems with them or with their demands as expressed through the Campaign, rather they had a problem with the persons who deceived them and other young women, sending them to public locations in search of signatures—people like Shirin Ebadi.”

· · Because of the distribution of a few pamphlets explaining the goals of the Campaign in her place of employment, Shahla Entesari, another member of the Campaign was dismissed from her job. Certainly there is no problem with our demands, but it is better that those who work to achieve these demands are fired from their work and forced to expend their energies on finding new employment and making ends meet, rather than pursuing the goals of the Campaign.

· · Over the course of the past five months we have requested permits for the convening of seminars from at least 10 cultural centers, but since there is no problem with our demands, we were denied permits in all cases. We hold protests, and are told to hold seminars instead. We try to hold seminars, but are denied permits or we are told that our speakers are problematic, we change the speakers, and after endless hours of negotiation, somehow our request for a permit is still denied.

· · When we are denied space for our seminars, we have no other choice but to hold our meetings in homes of Campaign members. One such meeting was held in the basement of Mrs. Mahlagha Mallah’s apartment building, a 90 year old woman with a strong commitment and background of defending the environment, who is then phoned and threatened. “We wanted to arrest you because of the meeting you held in your home”ـ

· · When we are denied space to conduct our activities, we have no other choice but to squeeze into our own apartments and homes to hold training workshops. Inevitably the police come to warn our neighbors about the “suspicious” comings and goings in our apartments. You try to sensitize our neighbors, so that perhaps they can carryout your duties in your stead. Then you claim again that the “demands of our Campaign are indeed just and that you have no problems with them.”

· · You subject the members of the Campaign working in the provinces to all sorts of pressures. They are denied office space for their NGO activities, their NGOs shut down and their members threatened. You spread rumors that would frighten to death even the most seasoned of civil society activists. For example, in the city of Gorgan, you start rumors about how activists involved in the Campaign are working toward a “velvet revolution!” Activists in the Provinces have fewer resources and supports than those in Tehran. What can they do? So they assume that you do not have a problem with their demands, but that the closed culture within their province is the cause of their pressure.

· · Twice and in less than a month’s time, the site of the Campaign is filtered and blocked, because as the whole world now knows, “you have no problems with the rightful demands of Iranian women.”

· · Local police stations are brought on as your collaborators, and they work to coerce and threaten parents, so that they can confront their children. You call the homes of Campaign members, and inform their parents about the existence of lists—lists of persons who should be “advised” and lists of persons scheduled to be “arrested.” Interestingly enough, the police emphasize that parents should not convey these “private” conversations to their daughters rather they should advise them and guide them so that they are not “deceived by others.”

· · To our total disbelief, you arrest three members of the Campaign, Talat Taghinia, Mansoureh Shojaee and Farnaz Seify, and politely place them in jail. You rampage their homes. You confiscate their personal property—their computers and their birth certificates. Under the interrogation forms, you repeatedly write notes to yourself reminding you of the fact that you should not ask any written questions about the Campaign, so that no one doubts the notion that you do not have a problem with the Campaign. So that instead we begin to doubt ourselves. But what we don’t understand is the fact that in oral interrogations you repeatedly question these women about how the Campaign was formed. You tell these three women that you don’t have a problem with their demands nor with the Woman’s Cultural Center—their NGO—which is one of the most active NGOs involved in the Campaign, rather you only have a problem with their trip to India and the workshop in which they intended to participate. But still, we don’t understand if you only have a problem with their trip, why is it that you have confiscated the official stamp of the “Women’s Cultural Center.” Perhaps your strategies serve as a good excuse for us to start attacking one another and looking for the “one” at fault.

· · You ban Sussan Tahmasebi from travel, because we all know that you have no problems with the human rights demands of women, rather you have a problem with the relationship of Campaign members with the international women’s movements and human rights defenders in other countries.

· · You start rumors about the ethical, financial and sexual misconduct of campaign members, about their uncontrollable desire for fame, their relations with foreigners, their preparations for carrying out velvet revolutions, and other strange and bizarre behavior, which seem somehow to surface of their own accord. Of course, there “does”-not exist any formal and organized venue through which these rumors are spread. But with the help of these rumors, the public can come to understand that the women engaged in activities designed to achieve their rights, are in fact, terribly dreadful women starved for attention and fame, in search of asylum in the West, who view themselves as central to the women’s movement, and other such childish accusations. Perhaps all these rumors have surfaced simply because you have “no problems with our demands” and you simply regret that these very “worthy” demands are expressed by “unworthy” women like us.

· · We know that you have no problems with our demands, only with the platforms through which we express them. As such, you keep setting new limits and “red lines” for the media and the press, and reduce daily the number of “legal” news outlets and internet sites, through which we give expression to our cause. In this way, you instill fear into the hearts of all women’s rights activists, forcing them to doubt themselves and to think that if perhaps they did not use certain “unacceptable” platforms for the expression of their demands, their problems would miraculously disappear! Despite all our self censorship, we see that our problems persist. So, we are forced to look for the problem among ourselves, and we are forced to distrust one another and our activities, and start to hunt for those at fault within our own circles! This way, you can rest assured that we will voluntarily, in pursuit of those at fault, work to exclude one another. In fact it seems that your problem is that you don’t want us to express our rightful demands through interviews with the press or through our own writings for various online Farsi language websites, because you don’t want these pure demands to be given voice in sites belonging to foreigners. But there remains one small problem. You have left us no national platforms. You order the editors of the official newspapers in the country not to cover any news about the Campaign, and increase pressures on these publications with the aim of preventing us from publishing our articles. Possibly, these editors too know that you have no problem with our demands. Simply put, you only have problems with the expression of our demands through national and foreign media outlets.

· · It is especially interesting that suddenly a website forging a replica of the logo of the Campaign and calling itself “One Billion Signatures” is launched. With a satiric approach, the goals of the Campaign are ridiculed in this site and the same allegations that activists often face in court, are provided in this website to readers. Laced with patriarchal interpretations, the website aims to discredit the activists involved in the Campaign, so that our demands, which no one seems to have a problem with, are not taken seriously. God forbid our demands, which are not problematic for you in the least, infect others. Of course, we realize that the launching of such a website at this juncture in time is coincidental and not planned in any shape or form! But I have to congratulate its founders, for their savvy in discrediting the members of the Campaign.

· · Our telephones are controlled in such an obvious fashion so as to inflict in us a perpetual fear designed to force us to “voluntarily” end contact with other members of the Campaign.

· · In the midst of all this, you keep summoning us to court, so that you can clearly convey the message that you have no problems with our demands, and of course, in the course of your friendly advice, you let slip information about how terrible women’s rights activists in competing groups really are. How these women envy us—and perhaps you have similar words for the women in the “competing groups.” In total astonishment we witness how this fabricated competition of yours, spreads and intensifies with the help of rumors. Finally it seems that every single mistake by members of each group, aided by rumors, leads us into a new crisis, daily lending the notion of our competition a little more truth. Thanks to the vast rumor mills at your disposal, women’s NGOs, which by their nature adopt different strategies and approaches to their work on behalf of women, turn to despair in trying to decide exactly how to address these crises within the women’s movement or in trying to understand their sources.

Ethical Lessons

After five months and given the advice offered by some of you in the security forces to members of the Campaign, we have come to the conclusion that you don’t have a problem with the Campaign or with our demands” rather you have a problem with the expression of these demands in the metro, streets and alleys, buses, and places of employment. You have a problem with the expression of these demands through venues such as national and official media outlets like the TV or Radio, internet sites and newspapers as well as in our own websites,,at seminars or workshops, and at international forums and events to which we travel. You have a problem with the expression of our demands to international women’s rights activists. And, you have a problem when we discuss these demands among ourselves even if these discussions take place in the privacy of our homes. And, you have a problem with every single individual involved in the Campaign, who chooses to lend expression to these demands, meaning the young activists who are deceived, the parents who don’t reprimand their children for their activities on behalf of women and with the activists who deceive young girls into joining them in this effort. That’s All!!

Last Words

It seems that after having to deal with all these adventures and misfortunes over the past five months, we have truly come to understand and feel that you have no problems with our demands, but instead with the individual women and men who through peaceful and civic means work to realize these demands.

As such, we respectfully ask you to roll up your sleeves in an effort to grant Iranian women their rights, so that the men governing this land can document and forever claim this historical achievement as their own. I swear it’s a shame to waste all this energy on limiting and controlling the women’s movement and on trying to isolate us and relegate us to our homes. Oh, how I wish you would expend all this energy and your organizational savvy for the purpose of lobbying and advocacy with members of parliament and religious leaders, in an effort to develop and pass just legislation in favor of Iranian women and their rights. How I wish you would utilize the advanced technology and other tools of control at your disposal—which has quite possibly been imported from the very “Western” countries, with which our contact is considered a criminal act—to achieve equal rights for women. By the way, I wonder if educational workshops in foreign countries for the purpose of learning advanced strategies and technologies of control exist?

We have endured patiently all the obstacles of control you have placed along our path. This endurance takes place at a time when daily we feel the weakness of our civil society as it comes face to face with the all consuming power of government. But you see that we continue. Do you know why? Because we benefit from a love and passion that you refuse to understand or accept. We have no other choice but to create change and improve our lives. And we have nothing to lose but our lives themselves. In its current state, the lives of Iranian women remain demeaning and unbearable. Despite all the advanced efforts at control and the emergence of numerous obstacles our love and passion for change and improvement is so immense in fact, that it continues to flourish in our hearts.

While it is quite possible that our love and passion seems minuscule when compared to the countless number of security personnel charged with controlling and stopping us and the advanced tools at your disposal, I have no doubt that in the end this motherly and womanly love will pervail over the male-oriented system of control. .

Perhaps we will be imprisoned and become weary with the continuous summons to court. Perhaps we will not be able to continue along our path and educate our female counterparts about the existence of such discriminatory laws. But, what will you do with the countless women who come into contact with the court system—in fact, these very courts are the best educational facilities for women, through which they quickly learn that in fact they have no rights. Yes, perhaps with your security planning and your modern technology, you may be able to isolate and paralyze the current generation of Iranian women’s rights activists, and stop the progression of our Campaign, but what will you do with the love that we plant in the hearts of our children? Perhaps with your advanced technology, you will be able to attack the hearts of our personal computers, but what will you do with our dreams?

Farsi version of the article

“Change for Equality: One Million Signatures Demanding Changes to Discriminatory Laws” is a campaign implemented by a large number of women’s rights activists, which aims to ask for changes in laws that discriminate against women, through a signature collection drive. The Campaign was officially launched in Tehran this summer, and has begun activities in several provinces since. The persistence of activists involved in the Campaign and their use of creative and multiple strategies for establishing ties with the grassroots in an effort to explain the goals of the Campaign, has transformed this effort into one that promises real impact. Deutsche Welle has conducted an interview with Ms. Shahla Lahiji, the Director of Roshangaran Publishing about the Campaign and its efforts thus far.

Interview By: Mihandokht Mesbah

DW: You are one of the supporters of the Campaign for collection of signatures to change discriminatory laws against women. What do you see as the vision of such a project? Do you believe the environment conducive for the achievement of such goals?

Shahla Lahiji: The term campaign and how it is defined in the dictionary is frightening for me. Perhaps the term campaign in this case refers to the debate, challenges and exchanges which have to take place among the general public in the form of a discussion. In terms of seeing a vision, I believe this effort is intended to find the truth and accept a vision of whether society is actually ready for the changes that are being demanded or not. I think that this effort is the most civil of efforts designed to bring about change in line with social demands.

DW: As far as you are aware, has there been any progress with respect to this effort?

Shahla Lahiji: Certainly! Unexpectedly certain groups and individuals have expressed interest in joining this effort, which as far as I was concerned this reaction from these groups was unimaginable. Traditional families, with strong religious beliefs, who understand the fact that they are living in a modern world, recognize that a modern existence requires new rules. This is because traditional social relations, for which these laws were established, no longer exist. The legal status of women, even those living in the most traditional of families, who are employed, have an income and are full partners in carrying and handling the economic burdens of the family, must be re-examined with a new perspective. I should add that this current discourse which calls for women to sit at home and bear male children and receive payment for their motherly duties, was a discourse put forth many, many years ago, by a certain person in Germany, where your radio is broadcast from, and is not a new discussion. What we are trying to say is that women’s participation, in economic, social and political sectors needs to be addressed in the context of their civil demands.

DW: You pointed to the objections that traditional families have to current laws. What are the most significant objections expressed by this sector of society?

Shahla Lahiji: Recently, in a traditional family with whose children I have a working relationship, the mother of the family complained about discriminatory laws. Specifically, she objected to the fact that despite having raised her children and the difficulties she has faced in this respect, with the death of her husband, her financial security is now at the mercy of her children, who may or may not treat her fairly. The law does not provide direction nor protection for the situation of such women. This woman’s share, who lived for sixty years with her husband, and saw him through difficult financial times, to a relatively wealthy economic status, is a very small share, which is not considerable at all. This very respectable woman complained that she wanted to know where she stood, what her rights were, and what was her share and reward for the difficulties she had endured throughout her life? She explained that “today her children refer to the laws and explain to her that her share was what she has already received in her joint life with her husband, and of none of their father’s possessions belong to her. You see, it used to be that the place of a mother or grandmother in the family used to be very important and strong. Based on tradition, rather than law, women in these situations were well cared for and had a strong position in the family and the tribe, and based on these traditions, no was discriminated against. But today lives are spent in 40 or 50 meter apartments and the family has transitioned from a hierarchical and vertical power structure to a horizontal and more equal power structure. No takes responsibility for the well being and welfare of other members of the family. With these changes and transitions in Iranian society, the change of laws are absolutely necessary. In this Campaign, I am asking others if they also feel that there exist such shortcomings in the law. If people agree with our assessment, and we are able to reach one million people and get there signatures in support of changes to the laws, can we claim that possibly there are five million who feel that these changes are necessary? In that case, the question of how to reach the law-makers with this message becomes the main issue.

DW: It seems that there is a two-way exchange that takes place between the activists involved in the campaign and the general public, where each engages in discussions about their lives and daily realities, which the Campaign members then reflect. The question which remains is how exactly are these activists engaged in the collection of signatures and how exactly does this two-way exchange take place? Do those collecting signatures go door-to-door, do they hold workshops, or do they go to communities and community centers?

Shahla Lahiji: We use all the resources and strategies you mention. We don’t target one particular group or social class in our efforts. We look at this effort in the context of sustainable development. We don’t consider this effort one that purely addresses women’s issues and concerns. Rather, we consider that if we want to enter the process of and promote the concept of sustainable development one of the strategies in this respect includes addressing and eliminating discrimination between the sexes. Men too have to demand these changes as much as women do. In fact, often we rely on men to pass on the message of the campaign to women.

DW: Given these explanations, do you believe that this issue has reached beyond elite and progressive groups in society?

Shahla Lahiji: The elite don’t have problems. With the information and awareness they have, they can take a stand against these laws, whether it is through their financial means or their social position. For example, do you think that husbands are willing or fearless enough, to prevent the travel of women with important positions in government who must travel on official state business? These are the problems that socio-economically disadvantaged women have to contend with. These groups of women cannot protect themselves financially and because of lack of education or other resources they can’t protect themselves legally or even express their demands. If you take a look at my mother’s marriage certificate, for example, you would imagine that she lived in an European country. She managed to secure many of her rights in the form of a marriage contract, because she was aware, she was educated and she was familiar with the laws of other countries. She managed to work with the same set of laws and limitation, to obtain her rights. In fact, here it is the women from socio-economically disadvantaged groups who suffer the most, because elite women with social position and proximity to power have the power and resources to defend their rights.

DW: What I was trying to ask was whether the activities of this campaign go beyond elite groups and intellectuals?

Shahla Lahiji: Well! If our friends are not able to reach the groups that should logically be targeted by this Campaign, this inability is directly related to the shortcomings our society faces with respect to information sharing and communication mechanisms—a society which lacks political parties and groups and NGOs have faced limitation. I should add that I joke in this respect and say that GNGOS exist, meaning organizations with dependency and relationships with government. Additionally, there is a lack of media sources at our disposal, and many of our civil activities are faced with these shortcomings. We want this effort to be carried out in a free civil framework with no limitations. Decision makers need to understand that they should address this civil movement with violence. But if they do not allow this peaceful and calm effort to continue, then we have to think of other strategies.

DW: Do you know how many signatures have been collected thus far?

Shahla Lahiji: They have told me that 20,000 signatures have been collected so far, which in my opinion, given the short period since the inception of this effort, is remarkable.

DW: Many thanks to Ms. Lahiji for this interview.

http://www.we-change.org/spip.php?article205

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  A campaign to change for equality, a model for unity

By Iman Mozaffari/Translated by: Sholeh Shahrokhi

Thursday 7 دی 1385

           Iran’s Women’s Rights Movement and the One Million Signatures Campaign

Nayereh Tohidi / November 2006

Tuesday 21 آذر 1385

Women: The Bearers of the Good News and the Beacons of Hope

This article originally written in Persian (Farsi) by Nayereh Tohidi appeared in a number of women’s sites in Iran. This English version has been translated by Taraneh Amin and edited by Sussan Tahmasebi and Nayereh Tohidi.

Nayereh Tohidi, Ph.D., is Professor and Chair of the Women’s Studies Department at California State University, Northridge and Research Associate at the Center for Near Eastern Studies at UCLA

In the midst of all the horrible and worrisome news of violence, war and massacres coming from the Middle East these days, it is news about women whose humane creativity, civic movements, and life-promoting and peace-seeking activities that bring hope for the future of this bloody and turbulent region. One example is the news of the Palestinian, Israeli and Lebanese women who have come together to promote dialogue and negotiation in an effort to end the prolonged wars and conflicts by finding a just and practical solution.

Today, there is an unyielding atmosphere prevailing in Iran, the Middle East and the international arena—an atmosphere of militarism, violence and repression. An atmosphere that strengthens the spirit of militarism, perpetuates the cycle of violence, and produces violent and militant images of men and women, strengthening in turn the brutal culture of patriarchy and victimization of women and children. In spite of it, Middle Eastern women and activists have not surrendered to this atmosphere of fear. They have not wavered in their determination to seek novel, more effective and efficient methods to improve their legal and social status through a process of trial and error. These efforts surely will impact their societies and status of men as well as women positively.

Among the most hopeful efforts are the creative initiatives taken by Iranian women’s rights activists. The women’s movement in Iran is comprised of diverse groups, various activities and tactics. Some are engaged in organizing anti-violence workshops and anti-war activities as “Zanan Solh” (Women of Peace); some focus on feminist consciousness raising and egalitarian cultural production through print journals such as “Zanan” and “Hoquq-e Zanan,” some are doing this through internet journals such as Zanestan http://www.herlandmag.org/“Hastia Andish ; Kannon-e Zanan Iran http://www.irwomen.com, “Meydan and the Women’s Committee of the Office to Foster Unity and the Alumni Organization of Iran (Advare Tahkime Vahdat, Sazemane Daneshamookhtegane Iran)—both student organizations—. One of the most recent initiatives seeks “Change for Equality” (“Barabary ); through the collection of one million signatures demanding changes to discriminatory laws against women in Iran.

Pragmatic Realism

The “One Million Signatures” campaign, which is designed to help reform discriminatory laws, resulted from and is a continuation of the women’s peaceful gatherings on the 12th of June in 2005 and 2006 that ended by violent attacks of the police and security forces. From both tactical and strategic points of view, this latest campaign is in line with an envisioned future where powers, opportunities and social goods are not divided based on gender differences or sexual orientation. Primarily initiated by the younger generation of women’s rights activists, this campaign seems to be turning into a point of convergence among many groups and individual activists in different parts of Iran. This campaign seems to have surpassed ideological, sectarian and religious boundaries and limitations. Instead of seeking grand ideals and abstract solutions to women’s problems, it is struggling on to achieve defined and tangible goals through practical means and methods. This movement has distanced itself from the more prevalent masculine and elitist perceptions that assume only a handful of avant-garde intellectuals, having discovered the “Whole Truth” are the sole proprietors of solutions, who through personal sacrifice would impart the knowledge, bring freedom and ‘save the souls of the ignorant and oppressed masses.’

The aim and strategy of this campaign rests on direct contact between the activists and ordinary women that would involve two-way conversation, dialogue, understanding, negotiation and education. In this model, the activist or the intellectual moves beyond the concept and framework of the one who knows it all and does it all expert and becomes one of the many thousands of active participants, involved in the process of change. The final achievement of this movement results directly from this process of dialectical interaction. Here the civil society activist does not bear all the costs associated with the effort, and ordinary people are no longer passive or silent spectators.

By employing door-to-door and face-to-face educational strategy, the One Million Signatures Campaign will teach our activists a lot about social realities on the ground. In light of these teachings, instead of throwing themselves in the harms way and carrying the brunt of reform costs, separate from people, the women’s movement’s activists will be able to have a wider and more practical impact in unison with people, one that is accompanied by pressure from people and their full participation. In return more will share the cost, and more people and forces will have a stake in the outcome. This wise and creative move will finally add to the depth and breadth of the reforms.

As evident from the writings of the activists in this campaign, unlike political parties, the women’s movement has neither the intention of over-throwing the government, nor of seizing the state power. They reach beyond governments and aim at transforming the dominant cultural, social, economical, and political relations to achieve greater equality. Women’s struggle in today’s Iran is primarily a cultural and legal one, which is fought in a historical context rather than a battlefield. This struggle starts inside the homes (in the kitchens, bedrooms, and living rooms) and flows and spreads through workplaces (factories, workshops and offices), schools and universities, mosques, synagogues, and churches, streets and alleys, taxis and buses, stores and restaurants, parks, stadiums and recreation sites, parliaments and courtrooms, and reaches the general public through educational texts, books, newspapers and magazines, games and toys, poems, stories and lyrics, movies, radio and television programs, the internet, and everywhere and anywhere that gender dynamics are present and social relations between men and women exist.

Our skilled and well-informed women have learned from experience that male-domination is a multi-layered system, a deep-rooted and complex establishment, which will not fundamentally change through simply change in the state. This realization should however not serve to underestimate the critical role of the state in affecting women’s status within society. A simple comparison of facts and figures related to human development indicators (and empowerment indicators) in different countries, gives us credible documentation that in societies where political and governmental structures are democratic, non-ideological and non-religious, where economy experiences healthy growth and material resources and social goods are fairly distributed, where national resources are used to create strong social welfare support systems, provide education and healthcare instead of spending much on militarism, women enjoy a longer lifespan, and better physical and emotional health. Further, women in these societies benefit from greater equality and equal rights, a higher social status, higher education levels, greater economic power, widespread social and political participation and enjoy greater safety and security from domestic violence.

The Importance of the Law and the Necessity of Laws that Guarantee Equality

The aim of the “One Million Signatures Campaign” is to change and reform laws that discriminate against women. At first glance it may appear that legal and rights issues are not the most pressing and important of concerns for the majority of the Iranian women, rather inflation, unemployment, and lack of housing are issues most women struggle with on a daily basis. But men may struggle with the latter issues as much as women do. What insults and injures women, simply because they are women, and makes them more vulnerable, is the existence of discriminatory laws that in many cases degrade women and reduce them to second class citizens and place values on them which are half those of men. Experienced and active women know only too well that having equal legal rights may not be a sufficient solution to women’s problems, but still they recognize that equality under the law is indeed a necessity. Without legal support, any attempt by women for self-empowerment, civil society-building, or cultural production and creative activity in the social and domestic arenas, will be blocked by limitations and hurdles. This point is underscored when one notes that many laws governing family, sexuality and gender relations in Iran lag behind modern changes, new attitudes, and new realities in Iran of today.

The Local-Global Interplay

The innovative and courageous method employed by the activists involved in the “One Million Signatures Campaign,” is not only well-rooted in the specific historical, cultural, religious, and geopolitical realities of Iran, but it is also in step with the most progressive and current discourses, laws and universal values. Furthermore, the aims of this campaign are respected and in line with values and goals espoused by international institutions such as the United Nations and well respected international human rights organizations. Iranian activists are not following some abstract theory in defining and developing their strategy for change; rather they are basing these strategies on the available resources as well as tangible, concrete, and immediate realities. This choice of strategy demonstrates their understanding and knowledge of the daily-ness of women’s struggle, feminist theories and principles, and also of their involvement, connection and cooperation with trans-national feminist organizations in the region and beyond. These women understand that lofty goals will be difficult to achieve under the present repressive atmosphere, as such they have chosen to utilize deliberate and practical methods, with a persistent approach in-line with a woman-centered and feminist approach to culture-building.

Today, Iranian women’s rights activists are armed with lessons learned form women’s struggles around the world as well as those learned from the history and the experiences of their mothers and grandmothers in Iran. They have resolved not to take a passive approach, one that relies on the support of the West or promises of salvation through bombs and mortal-shells. Nor have they taken defensive stand in favor of the ruling patriarchy because of its defiance to the West. Rather they are taking practical steps toward democracy and equal rights, demarcating the women’s movement from both the native Islamist and Western imperial patriarchies. Likewise, they are not pinning their hopes on national political groups and parties that only give credence to women and their issues at election time or during political turmoil. These women are not waiting passively for the politicians’ promised “communist ideal” or the “secular democracy” or the “Islamic democracy,” as a means to guaranteeing them their human rights. Instead these women feel compelled to organize and network among themselves, and in a culture building exercise, grow in their self-confidence, and help get rid of superstitious beliefs and unhealthy and violent sexual prejudices that plague both men and women.

The Traditional-Modern Interplay

One of the special characteristics of the “One Million Signatures Campaign” may be the fact that in its creative course, this effort takes advantage of indigenous or traditional approaches that are familiar in Iran’s context as well as the latest modern international technologies offered by the information age. On the one hand, in order to gather signatures the campaign relies on collecting signatures through the “face-to-face” and “alley-to-alley” methods. This method that can offer the highest quality of human communication and connection and can produce a wealth of social capital, is reminder of ‘petitioning,’ a well-known tactic in Iran’s repertoire of civic and political struggles. On the other hand, by using the internet and virtual spaces such as websites and web-logs, the process of collecting signatures and networking is expedited. Furthermore, their distribution of educational pamphlets on the law to the general public on the streets would enhance the mutual but ephemeral face-to-face experience.

The creative juxtaposition of direct contact and interaction between activists and the general public on the one hand and virtual connections through the internet, works to reduce the gap between the real and virtual spaces. This would strengthen the progression and social and cultural dynamic of this campaign in particular and the women’s movement in general. It should be noted that one of the negative side effects of the internet, particularly web-logging is the potential for the individualization and the creation of isolated islands within civil society. If a large number of activists limit themselves to virtual spaces and virtual connections, overtime they may lose their ability to communicate and debate in actual spaces and the real world. Social energy and capital will in this situation be used for isolated and self-centered efforts with a limited sphere of effectiveness, which in the long run will not work to strengthen civil activism such as the women’s movement. However, positive and deliberate use of the internet in creative combination with traditional methods carried out in the public space and real realms, can bring about the most effective and altering outcome.

Neither Elitism, nor Populism

The last point I would like to address is the negative perception of the role of the elites, which seems to be somewhat evident in the writings of some of the campaign members. This viewpoint, and the lack of active participation of elites and experts may in fact be a point of weakness rather than strength for the campaign. In their description of the strategy of the campaign, some campaign members have praised this campaign for staying away from the elites, from lobbying, and any top-down efforts. They have valued only the merit of the followings: “bottom-up approach; from people’s homes to the street; and from streets to homes; from virtual spaces to actual spaces; etc.” But I believe while these are indeed part of the strengths of this campaign, they can be much more effective if combined by participation and support of the members of the elites and experts as well.

We do not want to be elitist, but we do not need to be populist and anti-elite either. We need both the grassroots or bottom-up and the top-down efforts to change the law in favor of women’s rights. It will not serve our purpose to devalue or appear hostile to those experts or elite members who work on some top-down projects toward reform. All these efforts can be indeed complimentary. Social, cultural and political struggles from around the world have owed much of their success to the cooperation, deliberation and coordination carried out by elites and experts (even at times these included some members of the ruling elites) alongside the masses and grassroots organizations of the civil society. Obviously, efforts at reform led solely by experts and elites who do not sufficiently involve and acknowledge the role of the people should be avoided. Likewise, grassroots efforts at reform can reach their goals when they succeed in bringing along increasing number of elite members and experts. Lobbying, negotiation and advocacy, while may be beyond the capability or inclination of some of the activists involved in the campaign, are nevertheless indispensable tools and strategies for ensuring the continuation of this effort and achievement of its goals. It is the dialectical interaction, cooperation and convergence between the elites and the people that will ultimately bring about change.

Just as slavery was once considered a natural and even divinely ordered phenomenon, but today belongs to a dark and embarrassing chapter of history, the era of patriarchy and sexism (in modern as well as traditional pre-modern forms) will come to an end sooner or later. Today, we are confronted with those who are still trying to justify male-domination and perpetuate patriarchy and violence against women by resorting to patriarchal constructs of religion and male-centered interpretations of scriptures as some religious proponents of slavery did in the past. But the women’s movements and global feminism, despite its young age, have made important inroads in many realms of culture and society. Purposeful convergence of diverse groups of women at both grassroots and elite levels can only expedite the process of change toward equality, justice and peace.

I eagerly anticipate progress for this movement from which I am sure I can learn new ideas and rethink my own theories and understandings of feminist strategies and tactics. I shall do my share to support this effort at the regional, international, and trans-national levels. This campaign is an important part of the rights-seeking, civil, humanitarian and timely movement of Iranian women that deserve all the support at national and international levels. Even if this campaign does not result directly and immediately in the changing of laws, the process involved in it, in and of itself, is positive. This campaign is already contributing to feminist culture-building, the configuration of a common identity among many activists, and the enlightenment and consciousness raising about women’s rights in the society at large.

http://www.we-change.org/spip.php?article208

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A Broad Effort to End Discrimination Against Women Has Been Launched*

Friday 17 آذر 1385

Mehrangiz Kar:

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        The First Signature

by Roxanna Setayesh /Translated by: Leila shirnejad Irani

Thursday 21 دی 1385